People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy

Abraheim Weizfeld

doi:doi:10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

Methodology Article |

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People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy

Abraheim Weizfeld^*

Published in Humanities and Social Sciences (Volume 14, Issue 2)

Received: 7 January 2026 Accepted: 27 January 2026 Published: 5 March 2026

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Abstract

The fulfilment of the arising expectations amongst the generations of the Twenty-First Century - in terms of social implication and communication - has become the assertion of opinion as a qualitative augmentation of political engagement. This actuality necessitates a methodology of organic networks in a generalized ongoing and permanent access to the decision-making process of a given Society. The task of forming a political superstructure that is a direct reflection of the social collective-consciousness is a challenge that is not met and cannot be met within the obsolete Nation-State paradigm. Initially this paradigm was formulated in 1648 CE, for the purpose of centralizing a unified Germany under the tutelage of the Prussian aristocracy, as the Modern State. The Occidental model of Statecraft is the subject of protestation in terms of the anti-war movements, the Gen Z uprisings seeking policy and political change by way of the street, due to the lack of any other avenue of intervention. Together with the extrapolations made between political life and social issues in terms of individual Identities and minority Identities, there is reason to consider the reformulation of Democracy as Demarchy, to supersede representativity in a direct application, by way of the means and consciousness of current conditions in the here and now. The codification of such principles is feasible through the process of the Constituent Assembly as the initial Council methodology formulating the permanent priorities and conditions which generate a societal consensus for the legitimacy of the Law. In effect the hierarchy of power is put into question as an operational regime. The failure of the modern Nation-State is revealed as non-operational in various dimensions; as lacking the actual collective consciousness in consensus, disregarding the minorities in Civil Society and hoisting a hierarchy of power without the authority of the Public’s will.

Published in	Humanities and Social Sciences (Volume 14, Issue 2)
DOI	10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12
Page(s)	79-89
Creative Commons	This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, provided the original work is properly cited.
Copyright	Copyright © The Author(s), 2026. Published by Science Publishing Group

Keywords

Demarchy, Democracy, Post-Modernism, Constitution, State, Network, People’s Power

1. Introduction

Demarchy is the rule of the People at large, and directly.

This designation of the ‘People’, is the Public itself and not any given voice representing the Public, or any portion thereof. This then may be considered as Direct Democracy. The term Democracy is to be differentiated from Demarchy in the manner that distinguishes Democracy as; that Power which is ‘representative’ of the People in Civil Society, while Demarchy is differentiated from Democracy as; the Power of the People in ‘Direct’, as the Authority of the People. The etymology of the two terms lend themselves to the transliteration of Democracy as Representative Democracy

[1]

, since ruling or ‘archy’ is attributed to the Demos-People by way of its spokes body or substitute, as in a Monarchical hierarchy. The essence of Demarchy though is rooted in the Rule or ‘archy’ of the Demos or People, without representation, but rather in Direct

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. This latter conception proposed herein comprises the Independence of Civil Society in and of itself, and by consequence independence from the State.

The nature of Democracy presumes that the People’s will as a whole prevails and as such this requires an unanimity of opinion on any given motion in legislation. The mechanism of decision-making to that effect was open to opposition by way of the electoral process which presumes that 50% plus one vote is necessarily equivalent to the unanimous opinion of Society and must be obeyed as such. Initially the two contending Parties for the majoritarian expression of social opinion were the class-oriented Party, representing either the Aristocratic feudal hierarchy or its opposition, the arising national bourgeoisie (upper corporate owners). With the development of the workers’ Party claiming the Right to vote, even while not being a property owner, the balance of political forces became further divided. This electoral consequence turned the condition of majority rule into the rule by a plurality. The resultant condition has become the assertion that a Party with only a plurality may dominate a government and a Society by way of the electoral mechanism which provides for a minority’s rule despite the Public’s will.

The Power to the People conception is rather rooted in the concept of the independence of the Civil Society from not only the State but also from its attributes such as; territory delimitations and disputes, as well as ecocide by way of sovereign resource extraction. Such a Civil Society is a coherent and cohesive Body Politic. The Body Politic is an organic entity that grows into an organic federated Inter-National Civil Society internally. Considering the digital interconnection of at least 3.5 Billion people world-wide, the potential exists to do so on a world-wide scale as well.

The citation here following of the new generations presents the initial mechanism by which the sentiments of this organic Civil Society may become publicly accessible and publicly accountable.

2. Network Democracy

By Céli Weizfeld-Castelijn 2025-10-25

In this article I will present a concept of democracy that doesn't require any elected Officials. A system completely online for people to vote and discuss ideas without house of Commons, National Assembly, House of Representatives, House of Lords, Senate, Parliament or Monarch. Instead, it would be an online system where all civilians can contribute individually. This system would function in two parts. The first is an AI to filter and sort new suggestions, initiatives, motions and petitions. This AI would operate solely according to a constitution agreed upon by the population. This Constitution could include for example, the Charter of Human Rights. This filter would ensure the functionality of this website by allowing only the ideas that are considered reasonable and within the boundaries of function of the State.

Any civilian can then suggest ideas to be discussed and voted online. Each idea should have a limited window of time for civilians to vote upon for each idea to pass these ideas should also have a minimum of votes corresponding to a certain percentage of the population. And once an idea is approved, a legal team is to be hired to formulate in a legal format. This system would inevitably be shadowed by the diverse media outlets present in our civilisation similarly to how our current government is talked about. This is expected to support the functioning of the website as each idea might be debated on by experts on each subject.

Also, this system is more representative of the population compared to a democratic system with elected officials. Some people talk about the oppression of the majority in our current democratic system since elected officials seek approval of the majority to get the most votes. In a network democracy each individual has the power to submit motions, making the system much more representative than a representant elected by majority. Also, a representant with limited human capacity can’t possibly represent the population as efficiently as a system where everyone can implement changes. So, network Democracy is by nature less biased than any possible elected representative and functionally more representative of the population since everyone can submit motions. These two advantages are what our current democratic system is often boasted about where freedom and equality thrive to represent the population better than all other systems of governance.

In conclusion, network democracy is a concept that could revolutionize democracy itself and bring even greater means of representation to the population of the world. A new evolved form of governance that could help improve how a population is governed and represented

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3. Constitutional Provisions

This Concept of a Network Democracy is put into operation by functioning as a Constitutional document, or Algorithm. The means by which such a Constitutional provision is conceived and implemented is the crucial initial foundation of a ‘Network Democracy’. The preconditions for the founding of a ‘Network Democracy’ are to be found in such a Constitution. The case of the State of Israel the conundrum of two major nationalities may be resolved in spite of the State apparatus, by the following practice;

Provisional Constitutional Proposal for a Kana’an Confederation

1) In recognition of the various Nations and nationalities generally present in the land of Kana’an , known by its nations as the land of Phenocia, Philistina, Jubusites, Hittites, Eretz Isröel / Kingdom of Solomon, Judea, Palestine and the State of Israel, we , the various civil societies concerned have chosen to recognize the national cultural autonomy of the current residents as well as the refugee population living in exile and accorded the right of return, the Palestinians , Israelis, Druze and Bedouins as distinct social and political identities. Such recognition is mutual and reciprocal in the domains of land, water, natural resources, air space and cultural heritage.

2) National Cultural Autonomy is defined as the principle of “majority rule” in the national context in addition to the consensus of the Society as a whole.

Also, the autonomy of Territoriality is enshrined in the original legal concept of national-cultural autonomy making territory itself in the urban or municipal context, rural base as well as subterranean rights, contribute to the autonomy of a particular national social formation. Subterranean rights include water aquifers, natural resources of such nature as natural oil, natural gas, precious metals and stones. Archaeological findings are the reciprocal material right of each cultural origins.

3) A parallel set of People’s Conventions (all-inclusive Assemblies or Congresses) shall function in the domains of territory and in national cultural autonomy as well.

4) A Principle of Reciprocity shall prevail in all political institutions.

5) The People’s Congress of the Palestinian Nation shall be composed of the Secretariats elected by the basic People’s Conventions convoked in national cultural autonomy.

6) The People’s Congress of the Israeli Nation shall be composed of the Secretariats elected by the basic People’s Conventions convoked in national cultural autonomy.

7) A joint venture Confederation of Palestinian and Israeli Peoples Jamahiriya based in a principle of federation of national cultural autonomies in their Agora. This interaction of collective interests through a common Congress of Peoples is in proportion to their populations. The composition of the Council of the Confederation is the joint secretariat of each of the People’s Congresses.

8) The Council of the Federation of Kana’an shall be responsible for the proportional allocation of resources of water, natural deposits, sea ports access, air space access, and frontier access as well as the integrated infrastructure of transportation, education, judicial court of appeal and health care.

9) The People’s Congresses shall be each be responsible for diplomatic relations, social services, budget, local infrastructure, health care, educational services, and judicial bodies.

10) The legal codes are autonomous, and their adjudicators are elected by their respective Congress or Convention. The clergy of each People’s social system are representative of institutions of civil society and maintain their autonomy from the Congress.

11) All institutions and associations forming civil society are autonomous in terms of their freedom of associations alongside the Congress subsidized sector in both the economic and social arenas. The publicly funded sector is inalienably the responsibility of the Congresses.

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The initial experiments in Direct Democracy, as in the Jamahiriya, Parliaments are described as a dictatorship where a small group rules in the name of the people, rather than the people ruling themselves.

[5]

or Soviets (Workers’ Councils), remained incomplete due to the failure to carry out a Constitutional process. Such a process begins with the Constituent Assembly and is confirmed by Civil Society in a ‘Network Democracy’, such as in a Referendum. The two such referendi in the Canada province of Québec led to a 49.34% vote in favour of Autonomy. Such provisions would include the following proposal;

7) And whereas the Québécois People are closely related to the First Nations of this Land originally named Kébèk,

8) Let it be resolved that;

8.1) The Québécois Nation be recognized as a National body already named as such by the House of Commons of Canada,

8.2) That the Québécois Nation be recognized as having the right to its auto-determination while not violating the auto-determination of the other national social formations residing in the same territory or associated in the same country,

8.3) That the national identity of the Québécois Nation requires its National-Cultural Autonomy in association with the federated civil society of Canada,

8.4) That the provincial status of Québec be transformed into and defined as a National Autonomy under the provisions of the declared Constitution of Québec,

8.5) That the provisions of National-Cultural Autonomy guarantee the autonomous regulation of the cultural and national attributes of Québec by the residents of the territory of Québec,

8.6) That the national attributes shall include the provisions for ; languages or languages, natural resources, territorial, aerial and maritime transit and integrity, internal legal jurisdiction, and international relations,

8.7) That the Federal bodies including the judiciary of regulation shall include the proportional representation of Québec in that administration of Canada both governmental and in the civil service, including the juridical bodies,

8.8) And that the Constituent Assembly of Québec calls upon Canada as a whole to take into consideration its proposal for National-Cultural Autonomy of Québec by its own Constituent Assembly.

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First-of-all, the common consensus is to be rooted in the general operating principles by which further provisions are to be developed in an organic and symbiotic appreciation of such encoded Principles.

These Principles are a matter of methodology. The method by which provisions are formulated and judged would be based in such a fundamental epistemology. The consensus upon which such Principles are formulated consider the operational procedures that function with respect to all the civilian members of the Civil Society, notwithstanding the private sector of the economy.

As such, it is necessary to declare the fundamental Principle that the Civil Society exists and remains independent of any particular superstructure rejecting the imposition of any State. That which may seek to replace the Authority of Civil Society with the power of the forces in the hands of the State, is in contradiction to Demarchy; that being composed of an elite of politicians, funding agencies, banking control over monetary policy and the major private sector’s national bourgeoisie.

The Civil Society as such is expressed by the agency of the Constitutional Assembly or the initial revolutionary Constituent Assembly, that being networked to build the operating procedures of such an organized Civil Society. The Constituent Assembly remains in force perpetually, with the Authority to maintain and judge the social initiatives according to the provisions of the Constitution, a draft of which follows here. The Constitutional Assembly also rests in operation to not only judge the compatibility of all resolutions with the Principles enunciated, but also as the methodology by which the Constitution itself may be added to or modified. The operative methodology is the notion of consensus which is necessarily defined as a super-majority comprising two-thirds if not more so of the delegates representative of Civil Society.

The initial founding procedure of the Network Democracy is the formulation of the Constitutional filter that respects the methodological preconditions that include:

3.1. The Principle of Reciprocity

Any one procedure undertaken must respect the mutual undertaking, so that any one procedure or proposal necessarily does not violate or infringe upon the very same Right of each and every other constituent of Civil Society, including civilians, and social formations of the various categories, such a gender, nationality and social orientation. Class position of power, influence and force shall not negate any such provisions.

This mutuality was expressed by the Philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte as “Without You there is no Me and without Me there is no You”

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The elaboration and proof of Reciprocity is accomplished in terms of Political Philosophy by the Thesis Chapter ‘Reciprocity and Nation’ in the Thesis; ‘Nation, Society and the State: the reconciliation of Palestinian and Hebrew Nations’.

If, the Self = the Self (by premise)

then,

the Self does not = the Non-Self

and so,

the non-Self does not = the Self (by inverse or in reflection)

and consequently in conclusion,

the non-Self does not = the Self does not = the Non-Self

or, in effect;

the non-Self does not = the Non-Self (by deduction)

and,

the Self does not = the Self

in contradiction to the premise in first instance;

therefore,

let the Self = the Non-Self

to annul the contradiction.

This is the principle of Reciprocity deduced and proven in this fashion.

The Self = The Non-Self

in order to annul the contradiction. That is the Principle of Reciprocity developed here by such a deduction and in effect proven by the negation of the contradiction inherent in the assumption that

the Self does not = the Non-Self.

that is to say,

the Self implies the Non-Self which implies the Self.

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3.2. Auto-Determination

A direct consequence of the Principle of Reciprocity is the Right to Auto-Determination. Such a Right is applicable in all conditions of life. Both the individual and any given social formation in Civil Society, such as gender, nationality and social orientations, are all determined to inherently be endowed with the Right to ‘Self-Determination’ or actually Auto-Determination. Power and privilege are not inherent to Civil Society but are rather impositions that continue to exist within Civil Society, while not being a Right in itself.

The application of Auto-Determination is also a matter necessarily of Reciprocity, whereby any given application of national self-determination, for example, does not violate the Natural Law of each such entity in Reciprocity. Thus, one Right to National Self-Determination does not violate the very same Right of Self-Determination on the part of any other national formation. As such, it is no longer military force which asserts a sovereign Right to National Self-Determination but rather the Principle of Reciprocity.

As such no nationality or economic class is permitted to impose its own sense of Self-Determination upon any other suchlike social formation.

3.3. Right to Life

Such a Right of Auto-Determination is naturally reciprocal with each and every life a Right in itself. No Life may take that Right from any other Life. In the case of the mutuality of a woman and fetus, the Right to Life of the mother is prioritized by reason of precedence, and the capacity of holding the potential to Life for any number of other such fetuses.

3.3.1. Right to the Means of Life

The material and economic means of Life are a necessary corollary to the Right to Life. To specify the conditions included; that would be water, food, shelter, energy, and transportation.

3.3.2. Human Rights

Such means of existence are human rights, that are not compensation subject to a precondition of working. Such human rights are not granted conditionally in exchange for working, to provide for the profit of a private sector in Civil Society. Such necessities are to be provided for by Right, and not by a wage that is granted to compensate for a measure of work - intended to create a greater measure of revenue than is granted as compensation.

The practice of work is an entirely voluntary effort and not a compulsory condition of existence as a wage slave for human necessities. Work becomes a matter of voluntary will and not compulsion. The choice available to the Public is not exclusively devoted to becoming a wage-slave but rather allows for a self-sufficient individual to choose between work, art or study.

This programme of necessary social support has been named UBI (Universal Basic Income), and is a constitutional guarantee that may not be diminished or abolished by any law whatsoever.

3.4. The Freedom of Knowledge

The Freedom to Knowledge is a Principle of Life since it is the reason for Life. Life cannot be a matter of work and reproduction without a reason for doing so in the first place. The access to Knowledge began with the public libraries and includes the institutions of study which are maintained without limitation to any civilian seeking it out. All educational institutions are constitutionally guaranteed the means of operation and expansion – being autonomous from any other Authority.

Freedom of Movement

The Freedom of Movement is the freedom to choose the social environment that is conducive for the individual’s life-time achievements and talents. All such institutions are integral to Civil Society and are accessible to all of Civil Society.

Such means of transportation include all social activities, both cross-country and municipal, without individual cost, fees, or tariff.

3.5. International and Inter-National Principles

The Rights of any given Civil Society, with its Network Democracy, exist in Reciprocity with any other such Civil Society internationally. As such, no one Civil Society may impose its will upon any other such entity, by reason of Reciprocity. Sovereignty is subject to the Principle of Reciprocity.

Within each and every Civil Society the Inter-National relations also remain Reciprocal, and the existence of any one nationality provides for the national-cultural Autonomy of every other such Nationality. Any given proposal in Network Democracy may not violate the same Rights of any other social formation, within that given Civil Society. Every given nationality exists as a result of its collective self-definition and none other. Each such social-formation exists and lives in a reciprocal National-Cultural Autonomy.

3.5.1. Ecological Rights

The integrity of the ecological environment is essential to the Right to Life, as it is the only sustainer of biological life as such.

The Right to Life thus includes an environment that is not harmful to living organisms, in particular human life. The sustainable environment is the only guarantee of human survival in the long term and is essential for individuals in the short term as well. The propagation of products or secondary products that are harmful to living organisms in general, are harmful to human life in particular and as such are prohibited in both environmental concerns and alimentation.

The production of secondary products as waste is forbidden, as is the combustion of fossil organic reservoirs in oil and gas.

3.5.2. Territorial Jurisdiction

The territorial Jurisdiction of those regions not operated by a given Civil Society are considered to be common to all Civil Societies, both in terms of territory and waterways, such as the oceans at large, Antarctica, terrestrial space and the moon.

3.6. Individual Rights

Each and every individual possesses the Right to Autonomy. The Woman’s right to her own life and body, includes the individual decision to bear or not bear children. Any particular choice in Right is upheld together with the entire social support necessary for either choice.

Individuals have the right to dress as they wish; and be provided with the nutrition corresponding to their choice as: vegetarian, vegan, carnivore or omnivore.

Individuals retain the Right to Life as both a Right to live and a right to not live, while retaining the access to all necessary medical procedures to ameliorate their lives to the condition necessary conducive to life.

3.6.1. Historical Precedents

The historic right of freedom of speech, freedom of expression and freedom of action are the basic human Rights established by the previous revolutionary experiences such as the Hebrew liberation from the Egyptian Empire 1,800 ACE, British revolution of 1650, the Haitian revolution of 1803, the USA revolution of 1776, the Franch Revolution of 1789, all of which is codified in the Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms of 1975;

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, or the Canada Charter of Rights and Freedoms of 1982 “The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms protects a number of rights and freedoms, including freedom of expression and the right to equality. It forms part of our Constitution – the highest law in all of Canada – and is one of our country’s greatest accomplishments.”

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. The subsequent revolutions against the Tsarist Empire of Russia in 1905, and 1917 as well as the Chinese Revolution of 1949 are too shallow to cite as examples of any further recognition of Rights as an Individual Right, as well as a social collective Right.

In any such context of individual freedoms, the Authority of Civil Society is obliged to protect actively such a Right, in both the public and institutional settings, such as educational institutions. “We need public forums where ideas rub up against one another, and we also need quiet spaces where ideas can be floated and discussed among people of similar orientation.”

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3.6.2. The Right to Justice

The Right to a judicial procedure to judge either individuals or any particular group of responsible individuals, is a given individual’s Right - as well as that of Civil Society - with respect to any given individual. The judgement of any such legal motion is subject to the decision of a jury of peers that functions as a jury and judge format, with the priority of the jury in its independent position of judgement. The judges are elected by general election in any given constituency.

Furthermore, the Right to Appeal is inherent in any decision and subject to the respective judicial Authority in a given context, with an ultimate appeal in questions that carry any Constitutional weight to be heard by the Constitutional Assembly and its designated Court of Appeal.

3.7. Collective Rights

Individual rights are also expressed as Collective Rights, as a result of the commonality and uniformity of Collective Rights, such as gender rights, working class rights, national collective rights as well as others.

Individual Rights in terms of political expression are also supported as collective expression in terms of organization, and transmission. The collective expression of political thought, political or social doctrine and political philosophy are to be nurtured and not suppressed. Any organization that seeks to gain influence by adopting position of responsibility for the sake of the organization and not the Public welfare, is considered a Constitutional crime.

The consequence of a given political party formation that seeks to replace the Constitutional provisions for collective organization with a single Party rule, is the eventual collapse of the Constitutional legitimacy and is subject to the jurisdiction of the Constitutional provisions for the maintenance of social freedoms. This is one function of the Constitutional Court.

Let it be codified that the experience of the Comintern Third International Party’s control over the public Councils named Soviets, resulting in their replacement by a self-regulating Party apparatus, is rejected and forbidden. Any such scenario is unconstitutional and subject to failure as in the dissolution of the very State Order that such a Party may seek to maintain, in vain.

3.7.1. Freedom of Thought

The imposition of any given theological paradigm, as in a religious belief, may not impose such a belief upon the Civil Society as a whole. Any Theocracy contradicts Demarchy, even a Stateless Theocracy. The imposition of any given belief system violates the individual rights and freedoms.

The education of Theocratic belief is accorded in the Right of Freedom of Expression. No Theocratic belief is subject to suppression. As such, Theocratic belief is neither imposed nor forbidden.

The organization of a Theocratic belief into a community is recognized as a Freedom of Organization together with the provision that no Theocratic organization or Church may be permitted to exercise Authority over Civil Society as a whole.

The prohibition of a political Party infiltration of the Constitutional Assembly is parallel to the prohibition of a Theocratic organization’s infiltration of Civil Society organizations and/or the Constitutional Assembly itself.

The Individual Right to Freedom of Thought guarantees the Freedom of Negation. The rejection of any particular Law or Power or article is recognized as an Individual Right with the power to Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) in either the Societal context or internationally.

3.7.2. The Federal Principle

The relation between the various Civil Societies internationally is organically based upon the Principle of Reciprocity. The nature of National Auto-determination, usually named social self-determination, is rooted in the mutuality between and amongst the societies concerned and ultimately all such societies.

The Liberal ideological extrapolation of individual Rights is transposed onto a given Nation-State by virtue of the proclamation of Self-Determination. National Self-Determination is associated with the medieval concept of Sovereignty. The designation of the ‘Self’ is the essential nature of such Power. Such is the contradiction with the Principle of Reciprocity. The ‘Self’, or ‘le moi’ is the isolation of the interests of the one in a war of each against all. The actual freedom inherent in the liberation of the Will rests upon the mutuality of each Will. There is no distinction to be made between the Will of one against the Will of the other as each contains a Will in and of itself, as a living consciousness in equity. The rejection of such a Liberal convention brings about the concept expressed by the term Auto-Determination, and not self-determination.

No one body acting in its own Auto-Determination may be permitted to nullify the very same Right of Auto-Determination by any other body. As such, each existence is Autonomous from each other but not independent in the sense of self-aggrandizement at the expense of the other - ‘le non-moi’. Autonomy displaces Independence/Separation as the essence of liberation in a social sense, on behalf of Civil Society.

Bilateralism as the methodology of social relations is the first instance of Internationalism and Inter-National relations. The Inter-National relations are based upon National-Cultural Autonomy. This organizational principle and concept applies to any other social formation, together with nationalities, such as a gender-based Identity as women, or a social orientation in LGPTQ+ communities and certainly as Class Identity.

The Social Class formation is Autonomous from any other Class and as such the working class maintains its Autonomy from the capital-owning Class, in order to avoid the enslavement of the working class. The ongoing working class is conditioned to so being a permanent social Caste existing to replicate itself for the interests of Capital.

The social weight of the Working Class is naturally proportional to its representativity and the preponderance of its social concerns, being the center of gravity of any Society, by virtue of its representativity. The Collective Rights of this working-class is inherent to Civil Society, which is expressed as an organizational expression named a Labour Union, or when in a position of exercising power, it is called a Council.

The mutual recognition of Autonomous social formations in the independent Civil Society, allows for the reciprocal relations for mutuality while remaining Autonomous in their Federation. This Federal Principle exists organically from the distinct but mutual interests of each social formation. The interests of each such formation is grown by way of nurturing the distinct interests of the Other.

Civil Society holds the Right to Auto-Determination and not a State. After all, à priori, it is the Civil Society that exists before a State may come into existence. A State is formed upon a Civil Society and the reverse cannot be - a State cannot form a Civil Society. This is not to say the State does not seek to form a Civil Society in its image, which is not possible, since it is not organic to Civil Society.

The myth building as the rationale for the State exhibits itself in the Occident as Christianity and in the Orient as Hinduism in India or Zionist Israelism in Palestine-Kanaan. The imposition of a homogeneous political culture with a single uniform Identity is the typical mold of the Nation-State that instills a hierarchy of the social castes and Class. The Sovereignty of the State in such cases in translated into the Sovereignty of Class domination by Capital, the domination of the male gender over the non-male female gender, the oppression of nationalities treated as biologically inferior ‘Races’, such as the Black Nation in the USA (United States of America), as well as in the case of the Indigenous First Nations. Such a Confederation of the USA is constructed as a hierarchy of jurisdictions from the centralized capital to provincial States and subordinate municipalities, but with no Autonomies of nationalities or Class.

In the case of the Jewish People Auto-Determination defines itself as a People-Nation. This implementation of National-Cultural Autonomy cannot be a State that claims the Right to Self-Determination - expressed as Sovereignty or self-defense. It is not a State that can hold a Right to Self-Determination, since a State is unlimited and decides for itself what its own Sovereignty would be, including the frontiers claimed as such. The potential power of Sovereignty is unlimited, since it alone decides for itself, as an act of Self-Determination in accordance with its own particular interests. As such, the limitation of a given State is only given by the degree of military and economic power it may contain. This power of Sovereignty necessarily annuls all other Rights of National liberation with any degree of independence for any other State dependent upon the balance of forces, and not on any Right.

A People is limited by definition and thus a People-Nation’s Right to Auto-Determination does not eliminate all other such Rights. The Right of Auto-Determination is necessarily limited by other such Rights and so cannot operate as a State Right.

The social engineering developed to build a Nation-State is based on pretense fabricated by way of myth inculcation, since the Civil Society is not a Nation in and of itself. Any and every Civil Society is pluralist or composed organically in various Nations, each with their own Civil Societies. The mutual recognition of each such Nation in a common Civil Society is a Federation.

A Federation is a collective of National-Cultural Autonomies.

3.8. Freedom of Organization

The Freedom of Expression includes the Freedom of Organization here and now in perpetuity. Without organization there can be no expression to the public domain. The monopolization of any platform of expression in the mediae shall be withheld.

The collective expression of the working people associated as a class formation is an expression of the organization of workers, whether they be called Unions, Councils or Soviets.

The collective expression of a given nationality in Civil Society organized as a National-Cultural Autonomy, is hereby codified and provided with the necessary budget allocation on a proportional basis with priority for the First Nations and Mestizos.

The collective association of a nationality as an integrated component of Civil Society, or any given social formation, is nonetheless entitled to Territorial Autonomy in so far as such an Autonomy does not contradict the Territorial Autonomy of any other, in addition to the precedent Rights.

3.8.1. Identity Autonomy

The Freedom of Identity applies to National identity, Gender Identity, Sexual Identity, cultural generational Identity as well as Class Identity and Caste Identity.

The facet of Autonomy is the essence of the Principle of Reciprocity, since any one social formation is organically endowed with the collective consciousness of its own defined Identity in itself, without external constraint.

3.8.2. Civil Society Autonomy

Irrespective of any existing legislative representative body of governmental functions, the Autonomous convergence of Civil Society by means of existence of a parallel body politic into a Constituent Constitutional Assembly, is the crystallization of that Body Politic.

The formation of such a Constitutional Assembly is rooted in the organic network of existing social formations, in their organized form. The social formation here is recognized according to their Freedom of Association and is included in the Assembly as a recallable delegate subject to the affirmation of the association giving rise to such a delegate.

The modification and additions made to this Constitutional document are formulated by the Assembly operating according to Parliamentary procedure and the known Rules of Order [14, 15, 16] with such modifications being subject to a Referendum by a Network Democracy.

The Constitutional Assembly shall remain in session of a continual never-ending perpetual convocation in plenary, subject to the quorum set by the Assembly for various categories of concern. The proceedings of the Assembly shall always remain in the public domain and accessible to the general public in particular by on-line broadcasting, with input mechanisms integrated for public interventions.

The term and revocation of any delegate is a matter for the Autonomous consideration of the Association concerned.

Any and every position or delegate may be chosen by popular jurisdictional vote upon the presentation of the campaign programme and analysis, while being funded and facilitated by the Constitutional operating agency and is done so without public or corporate sponsorship.

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Non-profit Associations are necessarily subsidized for the purposes of educational and artistic endeavors. Such Non-Profits are founded by the will and work of any individual, or collective of individuals.

3.8.3. Judicial Appeal Court

The Constitutional Assembly may be called upon to institute a Judicial panel to function as a Constitutional Court when a particular Legislative or Judicial decision, or rendition is contested as being unconstitutional in nature. Such a legislative appeal to the Constitutional Assembly may also be initiated by a quorum of delegates elected to the Legislative Assembly.

Such an appeal may also be initiated by popular petition to the Judicial Appeal Court. Such a Court carries the responsibility of referring any Bill or Resolution of the Legislature considered to be unconstitutional, ambiguous or internally contradictory to the Constitutional Assembly for modification, or referral to the Legislative with recommendations for modifications.

3.8.4. Constitutional Demarchy

The nature of Constitutional Demarchy is organic in that the concept encompasses the actuality in terms of the constituents of any given Civil Society, whether majoritarian or not. As such the provisions for Direct Demarchy apply in a Reciprocity for all constituent social-formations including nationalities, with their own Right to National Auto-Determination. The accommodation of all such Reciprocal Rights is contained in the application of Direct and Parallel Demarchy.

The differentiation between the concepts of Democracy and Demarchy are that the former, Democracy, makes reference to the majoritarian Nation within the context of a Statist superstructure - with the assumption of assimilated national minorities - while Demarchy makes reference to the Direct control by the constituents of Civil Society in terms of Nations, social-formations and individuals with the recognition of the Autonomy of each such constituent. That is to say, the actuality.

The additional differentiation to be made between Demarchy and Democracy is the mechanism of the Freedom of Speech and Expression. Democracy is built upon the representation of delegates who it is assumed will speak for all the members of that constituency, subject to recall at an indefinite time during the mandate of that electoral process. Demarchy is not limited to the occasional instance of voting for an electoral representative but always includes the option of recall at any period. The Demarchy spokesperson is dependent upon the collective will and consciousness of the constituency which is available in real time by means of Network Demarchy, providing a continual real-time poll of the current opinions amongst the general Public.

3.8.5. Economic Rights and Freedoms

The economic Rights of individuals and collectives is hereby embedded in our Constitution so as not to be subject to legislative budgetary considerations. The level of public expenditure for the public social services, including medical care, takes the priority of allocations in any given budget and which shall comprise 75% of such expenditures.

Such Economic rights include the Right to Life, by definition.

The Right to Freedom from servitude, slavery and wage slavery is fundamental to any Right, and no economic coercion is permitted to annul any Right herein defined.

The Economic Right to personal property is recognized in particular with respect to the production of Art. Such artistic work retains a personal signification as personal property in spite of any price title which may provide for limited prerogatives only.

The Guaranteed Universal Income provides for the person’s personal choice in terms of disposable income in order to generate economic freedom from any wage constraint, so sponsoring the liberty of workers. Any work contract thus becomes a voluntary agreement and not the abrogation of individual liberty.

The status of private property other than personal property in corporations or real estate is not eligible for public funding or subsidies.

The Identity found in personal property is upheld as an Individual Right.

3.8.6. Research and Art

The allocation of resources for the purpose of public research to each and every facet of scientific research is a public interest Right. It is a Right to achieve the potential of applied research by way of theoretical practice/praxis/application and is so provided with the necessary means to manifest the revelation of the unknown. The allocation of diverse funds is conducted at the discretion of the scientific community in Council and not by administrative function.

The allocation of resources for creators of various forms of Art whether visual, sonar or digital is a guaranteed provision of the public resources to be allocated by the discretion of the given community Council of creators.

The institutions of educational instruction and formation are public institutions operating with public funds and public funds alone, without donators’ prerogatives. The funding of such institutions is here a Constitutional provision which cannot be altered, so as to preserve the intellectual Autonomy of such institutions. Such institutions of higher learning are a achievement meritocracy together with affirmative action provisions of undeveloped merit. To maintain such a meritocracy there is no tuition required from students and instead there is an allocation of a Universal Income that applies to student workers so as to maintain the priority of their studies.

3.8.7. Ecological Requirements

The Civil Society of Humanity is organically dependent upon the natural environment that has given rise to the various Nations of the World. The preservation of our natural environment is the precondition that is existential to all Life.

All public operational infrastructure is thereby obliged to utilize the technological means for social operation and energy generation available that are the least damaging to Life.

Any private endeavors which disregard the necessary precautions for such Ecological concerns are to be socialized and penalized.

3.8.8. Strategic Preconditions

The deference of all military, security agencies (both public and private) as well as police formations with respect to the public interest in Civil Society, is the practice of the security of the public. In the first instance this practice is to be protecting public expression of protestation in demonstrations, and for artistic concerns, as in a Festival.

There can be no obligation of military conscription in violation of Individual Rights. Military training is available to all members of Civil Society.

All forces in security are conditional upon their oath of allegiance to the social Constitution. Military officers are put into position by the choice of the military personnel subject to their direction, without political direction or veto. All senior military officers are required to pledge their fidelity to the Constitution of the Civil Society, in particular, upon promotion. As such military officers are obliged to report power coups to the Constitutional Court. All military personnel members are required to pledge their defense of the Constitution on behalf of Civil Society.

4. Academic Code

All educational and institutions of instruction are to be operated with an Authority derived from Student-Faculty control of the administration. Non-Graduate Faculties are subject to Faculty-Student Control. Secondary institutions are to be governed by a Troika of Faculty-Student-Community Control in Autonomy.

The procedural process of Doctoral candidates includes certain Doctoral Rights, in particular the formation of the ‘Defense’ Jury. The Thesis Defense is an absolute Right of procedure. In the initial formation of the Thesis Jury, the candidate and Thesis Director provide for the mutual choice of all Jury members. While a Jury should be composed of a non-pair number of members, in the case of a even number of votes for the acceptance of a Doctoral Thesis at a Defense Hearing, there is allowance for the Jury President vote to be definitive. The Jury President is chosen by the Jury Collective.

Jury members may resign without resort.

Students maintain the Right of Appeal in all conditions of evaluation by Faculty.

All complaints and charges to be made amongst the Academic civil society shall be subject to judicial review by the local Faculty-Student Council of Revision.

The autonomous constitutional status of academic institutions prohibits the introduction of police forces of all jurisdictions from entering such a campus facility. Campus security, freedom of protestation and hospitality are internally protected and regulated virtues ensured by the provision of Faculty-Student control.

5. Conclusions

People’s Power is defined and codified here in a dual sense of social power for Autonomous collective formations, as well as individuals. This elaboration gives rise to an independent Civil Society apart from the State. As such, this is to be considered the ‘No-State Solution’, to social existence and for a living Society. This Civil Society is a coherent and cohesive Body Politic.

Hitherto the social transformations have provided qualitative leaps with human persistence towards existence. The liberation of human talent, work and potential is the dynamic motor force of historical development. While the means of emancipation had not been available previously, that is no longer the case. The factors lacking in the achievement of human potential that delay the liberation of humanity from national, class, caste and social alienation are not materiel but rather intellectual, in terms of the necessary prior conceptions required to supersede the formal impositions of prior power relations.

The Direct and Parallel Demarchy provides for the Constitutional guarantees for both internal self-governance, but it is also a means to build the relations between various Civil Societies at large as countries, in Reciprocity by way of Federation

[11]

The Federal Principle is defined as; The Contractual Basis: Federation is, but a "bilateral and commutative contract"

[12]

aimed at achieving specific, shared goals - not a permanent, absolute subjection to a State.

The epoch of self-liberation is the fruit of the concept of power that is not a matter of force. The Might is Right paradigm is obsolete, if only for the reason that Might is no longer the power it once was and that it is a lesser force than the mobilization of Civil Society itself.

Abbreviations

USA	United States of America
LGBTQ+	Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer Etcetera
BDS	Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions

Author Contributions

Abraheim Weizfeld is the sole author. The author read and approved the final manuscript.

Conflicts of Interest

To consider any conflict of interest, I would plead the Hanna Arendt defense, that being my status as a Displace Person or DP, since my parents arrived as refugees from the Wetzlaw refugee camp in American Germany, where I was conceived. As such I am a Stateless person and thus permit myself to conceive of such a Non-State Solution.

References

[1]	Democracy (noun) - a system of government by the whole population or all the eligible members of a state, typically through elected representatives: "a system of parliamentary democracy", Copilot Search Microsoft Bing, 2025-01-16.
[2]	Abraham Weizfeld, ‘Direct and Parallel Democracy - Social Programme for Kebek’, POSSIBLES Revue, 1999, Montréal, Québec, https://www.academia.edu/4613007/Social_programme_Kebek_Parallel_Direct_Democracy?sm=b&rhid=37549969212
[3]	Céli Weizfeld-Castelijn, Network Democracy: Concept of Direct Democracy by general participation in participatory democracy, 2025-10-26, https://www.academia.edu/144696542/Network_Democracy_v5
[4]	Abraham Weizfeld, ‘In Democratic Theory’, Columbia University Symposium, The Prospects for Democracy: A Libyan-American Dialogue, New York, 2006-04-2, pp 4-5. https://www.academia.edu/5270095/In_Democratic_Theory
[5]	Muammar Al-Kaddafi, ‘The Green Book’, Tripoli, Libya, 1980, Db790000.ca.archive +1 https://www.bookdelivery.com/ca-en/book-gaddafi-s-the-green-book/9781541241312/p/48374177?bmkt_source=google&bmkt_campaign=22914410294&gad_source=1&gad_campaignid=22914410294&gbraid=0AAAAAD7H2K73JSl96ynC3j2cJQzlb__c0&gclid=Cj0KCQiAvtzLBhCPARIsALwhxdrRCyV6Nr12seOktCyjkGVIQaznjmYRHLSYAZFyf1mRtQhxmJU8sIIaAmGYEALw_wcB
[6]	Abraham Weizfeld, Constituent Assembly resolution on Québec National-Cultural Autonomy, 2013-10-6, pp 3-4, https://www.academia.edu/25937984/Constituant_Assembly_resolution_on_Qu%C3%A9bec_National_Cultural_Autonomy
[7]	Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2022. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/johann-fichte/#:~:text=Inspired%20by%20his%20reading%20of,Wissenschaftslehre%20(%E2%80%9CDoctrine%20of%20Scientific%20Knowledge%E2%80%9D
[8]	Abraham Weizfeld, ‘Nation, Society and the State: the reconciliation of Palestinian and Jewish Nationhood’, ‘Reciprocity and Nation’, Chapter III, Faculty de Science politique et Droit, l’Université du Québec à Montréal, 2014, https://www.academia.edu/5215083/Nation_Society_and_the_State_the_reconciliation_of_Palestinian_and_Jewish_Nationhood pp 175-206, p 206.
[9]	Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms, 1975, https://www.legisquebec.gouv.qc.ca/fr/document/lc/c-12?langCont=en#:~:text=3.,non%2Ddisclosure%20of%20confidential%20information
[10]	Canada Charter of Rights and Freedoms, 1982, https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/csj-sjc/rfc-dlc/ccrf-ccdl/index.html
[11]	Cory Doctorow, ‘The Internet Con: How to Seize the Means of Computation’, Verso, 2023, p 155. https://www.versobooks.com/en-ca/products/3035-the-internet-con
[12]	Céli Weizfeld-Castelijn, ‘Social Law of World Peace’, Montréal, 2006, https://www.academia.edu/44601789/Social_Law_of_World_Peace
[13]	P. J. Proudhon, The Principle of Federation, The University of Toronto Press, ISBN 0-8020-5458-7, 1979, https://files.libcom.org/files/P.-J.%20Proudhon%20-%20The%20Principle%20of%20Federation.pdf
[14]	Manual of parliamentary procedure, Robert’s Rules of Order is a widely recognized manual of parliamentary procedure that provides guidelines for conducting meetings and making decisions in an orderly manner. The 12^th Edition is the most current version, and it serves as the authoritative source on these rules. Key principles include ensuring everyone has the right to participate in discussion, maintaining order by discussing one motion at a time, and allowing members to know what is happening at all times. These rules are essential for facilitating faire and efficient decision-making in various organizational settings, Copilot Bing, 2026-02-10.
[15]	Robert’s Rules of Order, Henry Martyn Robert, original edition 1876, Robert's Rules of Order \| The Official Website of Rober'ts Rules of Order, 12th edition, Robert’s Rules of Order Newly Revised 12th Edition released at Virtual 2020 National Association of Parliamentarians (NAP) Training Conference, August 28, 2020 - Official Robert's Rules of Order Website.
[16]	The Code Morin refers to a set of procedures for conducting meetings, primarily used in Quebec and Nova Scotia. It was first published in 1938 by Victor Morin and outlines how to hold democratic and orderly general assembly meetings. The Code emphasizes a system of propositions and amendments, ensuring that all proposals are approved before discussion can occur. Victor Morin (mis à jour par Michel Delorme), Procédure des assemblées délibérantes, Beauchemin, Montréal, 1994. (ISBN 2761605438), Procédure des assemblées délibérantes: [code Morin]: Morin, Victor, 1865-1960: Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming: Internet Archive.
[17]	Bourinot’s Rules of Order are parliamentary rules that originated in the UK and have been adapted for use in Canada. They were written by Sir John George Bourinot, a clerk in the House of Commons, to help members understand the parliamentary procedure. The rules reflect the evolution of parliamentary practice over centuries and aim to ensure a fair and just exchange of views among members. The rules have been revised multiple times to keep them current and applicable to various assemblies, including those in Canada. Copilot Bing, 2026-02-10. Bourinot’s Rules of Order, Fourth Edition, Geoffery H. Stanford, Microsoft Word - EN-Bourinot-Rules.doc, https://usw1944.ca/sites/default/files/en-bourinot.pdf
[18]	La Confédération des Cinq Nations 1390: Haudenosaunee, Le Peuple de la Maison Longue (Iroquois!), Kaianere’ko:wa: Le Grand Bien, réimprimé de Pleine Terre, Vol. I No. 1, Solstice d’été 1992, Appendix B, page 377, Nation, Society and the State: The Reconciliation of Palestinian and Jewish Nationhood, abraham Weizfeld, Authorhouse, Bloomington, IN, USA, 2012, http://bookstore.authorhouse.com/Products/SKU-000425888/NATION--SOCIETY--AND--THE-STATE.aspx ISBN: 978-1-4685-4528-9 (sc) 978-1-4685-4527-2 (e)
[19]	José Antonio Brandao and William A. Starna, ‘The Treaties of 1701: A Triumph of Iroquois Diplomacy’ Ethnohistory 43 (Spring 1996): 209-244.

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Weizfeld, A. (2026). People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy. Humanities and Social Sciences, 14(2), 79-89. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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Weizfeld, A. People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2026, 14(2), 79-89. doi: 10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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Weizfeld A. People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy. Humanit Soc Sci. 2026;14(2):79-89. doi: 10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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@article{10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12,
  author = {Abraheim Weizfeld},
  title = {People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy},
  journal = {Humanities and Social Sciences},
  volume = {14},
  number = {2},
  pages = {79-89},
  doi = {10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12},
  eprint = {https://article.sciencepublishinggroup.com/pdf/10.11648.j.hss.20261402.12},
  abstract = {The fulfilment of the arising expectations amongst the generations of the Twenty-First Century - in terms of social implication and communication - has become the assertion of opinion as a qualitative augmentation of political engagement. This actuality necessitates a methodology of organic networks in a generalized ongoing and permanent access to the decision-making process of a given Society. The task of forming a political superstructure that is a direct reflection of the social collective-consciousness is a challenge that is not met and cannot be met within the obsolete Nation-State paradigm. Initially this paradigm was formulated in 1648 CE, for the purpose of centralizing a unified Germany under the tutelage of the Prussian aristocracy, as the Modern State. The Occidental model of Statecraft is the subject of protestation in terms of the anti-war movements, the Gen Z uprisings seeking policy and political change by way of the street, due to the lack of any other avenue of intervention. Together with the extrapolations made between political life and social issues in terms of individual Identities and minority Identities, there is reason to consider the reformulation of Democracy as Demarchy, to supersede representativity in a direct application, by way of the means and consciousness of current conditions in the here and now. The codification of such principles is feasible through the process of the Constituent Assembly as the initial Council methodology formulating the permanent priorities and conditions which generate a societal consensus for the legitimacy of the Law. In effect the hierarchy of power is put into question as an operational regime. The failure of the modern Nation-State is revealed as non-operational in various dimensions; as lacking the actual collective consciousness in consensus, disregarding the minorities in Civil Society and hoisting a hierarchy of power without the authority of the Public’s will.},
 year = {2026}
}

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TY  - JOUR
T1  - People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy
AU  - Abraheim Weizfeld
Y1  - 2026/03/05
PY  - 2026
N1  - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12
DO  - 10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12
T2  - Humanities and Social Sciences
JF  - Humanities and Social Sciences
JO  - Humanities and Social Sciences
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EP  - 89
PB  - Science Publishing Group
SN  - 2330-8184
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AB  - The fulfilment of the arising expectations amongst the generations of the Twenty-First Century - in terms of social implication and communication - has become the assertion of opinion as a qualitative augmentation of political engagement. This actuality necessitates a methodology of organic networks in a generalized ongoing and permanent access to the decision-making process of a given Society. The task of forming a political superstructure that is a direct reflection of the social collective-consciousness is a challenge that is not met and cannot be met within the obsolete Nation-State paradigm. Initially this paradigm was formulated in 1648 CE, for the purpose of centralizing a unified Germany under the tutelage of the Prussian aristocracy, as the Modern State. The Occidental model of Statecraft is the subject of protestation in terms of the anti-war movements, the Gen Z uprisings seeking policy and political change by way of the street, due to the lack of any other avenue of intervention. Together with the extrapolations made between political life and social issues in terms of individual Identities and minority Identities, there is reason to consider the reformulation of Democracy as Demarchy, to supersede representativity in a direct application, by way of the means and consciousness of current conditions in the here and now. The codification of such principles is feasible through the process of the Constituent Assembly as the initial Council methodology formulating the permanent priorities and conditions which generate a societal consensus for the legitimacy of the Law. In effect the hierarchy of power is put into question as an operational regime. The failure of the modern Nation-State is revealed as non-operational in various dimensions; as lacking the actual collective consciousness in consensus, disregarding the minorities in Civil Society and hoisting a hierarchy of power without the authority of the Public’s will.
VL  - 14
IS  - 2
ER  -

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Abraheim Weizfeld

Doctorate Political Science, University of Quebec in Montreal, Canada

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Weizfeld, A. (2026). People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy. Humanities and Social Sciences, 14(2), 79-89. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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Weizfeld, A. People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2026, 14(2), 79-89. doi: 10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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Weizfeld A. People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy. Humanit Soc Sci. 2026;14(2):79-89. doi: 10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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@article{10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12,
  author = {Abraheim Weizfeld},
  title = {People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy},
  journal = {Humanities and Social Sciences},
  volume = {14},
  number = {2},
  pages = {79-89},
  doi = {10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12},
  eprint = {https://article.sciencepublishinggroup.com/pdf/10.11648.j.hss.20261402.12},
  abstract = {The fulfilment of the arising expectations amongst the generations of the Twenty-First Century - in terms of social implication and communication - has become the assertion of opinion as a qualitative augmentation of political engagement. This actuality necessitates a methodology of organic networks in a generalized ongoing and permanent access to the decision-making process of a given Society. The task of forming a political superstructure that is a direct reflection of the social collective-consciousness is a challenge that is not met and cannot be met within the obsolete Nation-State paradigm. Initially this paradigm was formulated in 1648 CE, for the purpose of centralizing a unified Germany under the tutelage of the Prussian aristocracy, as the Modern State. The Occidental model of Statecraft is the subject of protestation in terms of the anti-war movements, the Gen Z uprisings seeking policy and political change by way of the street, due to the lack of any other avenue of intervention. Together with the extrapolations made between political life and social issues in terms of individual Identities and minority Identities, there is reason to consider the reformulation of Democracy as Demarchy, to supersede representativity in a direct application, by way of the means and consciousness of current conditions in the here and now. The codification of such principles is feasible through the process of the Constituent Assembly as the initial Council methodology formulating the permanent priorities and conditions which generate a societal consensus for the legitimacy of the Law. In effect the hierarchy of power is put into question as an operational regime. The failure of the modern Nation-State is revealed as non-operational in various dimensions; as lacking the actual collective consciousness in consensus, disregarding the minorities in Civil Society and hoisting a hierarchy of power without the authority of the Public’s will.},
 year = {2026}
}

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TY  - JOUR
T1  - People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy
AU  - Abraheim Weizfeld
Y1  - 2026/03/05
PY  - 2026
N1  - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12
DO  - 10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12
T2  - Humanities and Social Sciences
JF  - Humanities and Social Sciences
JO  - Humanities and Social Sciences
SP  - 79
EP  - 89
PB  - Science Publishing Group
SN  - 2330-8184
UR  - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12
AB  - The fulfilment of the arising expectations amongst the generations of the Twenty-First Century - in terms of social implication and communication - has become the assertion of opinion as a qualitative augmentation of political engagement. This actuality necessitates a methodology of organic networks in a generalized ongoing and permanent access to the decision-making process of a given Society. The task of forming a political superstructure that is a direct reflection of the social collective-consciousness is a challenge that is not met and cannot be met within the obsolete Nation-State paradigm. Initially this paradigm was formulated in 1648 CE, for the purpose of centralizing a unified Germany under the tutelage of the Prussian aristocracy, as the Modern State. The Occidental model of Statecraft is the subject of protestation in terms of the anti-war movements, the Gen Z uprisings seeking policy and political change by way of the street, due to the lack of any other avenue of intervention. Together with the extrapolations made between political life and social issues in terms of individual Identities and minority Identities, there is reason to consider the reformulation of Democracy as Demarchy, to supersede representativity in a direct application, by way of the means and consciousness of current conditions in the here and now. The codification of such principles is feasible through the process of the Constituent Assembly as the initial Council methodology formulating the permanent priorities and conditions which generate a societal consensus for the legitimacy of the Law. In effect the hierarchy of power is put into question as an operational regime. The failure of the modern Nation-State is revealed as non-operational in various dimensions; as lacking the actual collective consciousness in consensus, disregarding the minorities in Civil Society and hoisting a hierarchy of power without the authority of the Public’s will.
VL  - 14
IS  - 2
ER  -

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